My thanks for your explication of his argument. I don't mean to be dismissive, but I think you missed some of my basic points.
The example I gave was about Matthew, so the date of 70 for Mark is not relevant to what I was discussing. And it is not really important whether they were made up by cynical opportunists (admittedly, my characterization was glib but not exaggerative; my next sentence shows why) or by sincere believers unwinding a celestial deity through allegory and humanization. My point was about how difficult it would be—practically impossible—for someone in the mid second century who was not a Jew to recover the cultural details that we have in Matthew 5-7 and that only work in the first century (maybe very early second). And also that there would be no real reason for those details to be included in allegory or anything else, and so there would have been no motivation for whoever wrote Matthew to go out of his way to recover those details.
And I cannot emphasize enough it seems that the process you've just outlined for the gospels (with all of their historical detail) have no precedent in the ancient Mediterranean. I mean, the kind of process you're talking about, when it is applied to other deities, is a process we can only know about from written sources that survive (besides the historians, that means writers like Strabo, Pliny the Elder, Plutarch, etc.). They will consist of maybe a few sentences, at most a few paragraphs, not four rather long and novelistic biographies. We have many examples of ancient allegories; none of them are like the gospels. If there was an intermediate, more allegorical instantiation of the Jesus myth that preexisted the gospels, what is Carrier's evidence for it? I can see why he'd opt to go the math route, because there is no evidence for such a version.
Analytics wrote:Dick Carrier (hereafter referred to simply as “the Dick”) says he thinks Mark was written around the year 70 c.e. Most of the arguments you made pertain to when Mark was written, not whether it was originally intended to be read as an accurate story about a real person. On that basis, much of it doesn’t refute or contradict the Dick’s theory.
Actually it does because the dating works in tandem with modus operandi of story-invention in antiquity to affect the plausibility of Carrier's argument. Firstly, I'm talking about Matthew, not Mark (which is certainly earlier), and secondly, if this is supposedly invented in the mid second century (especially after the 130s), then it becomes almost impossible for a non-Jew to import those details and extremely unlikely for a Jew to do so, and no one would have any motivation to do that in the first place. So if Carrier's theory for Matthew is mid second century, then it makes it quite implausible. I would say it refutes it, in fact. (By the way, the example of Justin Martyr shows us that Christians were already in conflict with Jews in the mid second century, which makes a Judaizing allegory patently ridiculous). Maybe Carrier should opt for 70 for Matthew, as he does with Mark.
Analytics wrote:So here is a question. Was there really a custom where the Roman Prefect would ask a mob of Jews every festival which prisoner to release, and if the mob chose a insurrectionist and a murder as the prisoner to release, he’d say okay, and set the murderer free?
I’ve heard there is absolutely no historical basis for this—it’s a totally false representation of what Roman Prefects would do and did do. So if Mark wrote his gospel in the year 70, wouldn’t all Romans see this was a patently false custom?
There is no historical basis (which is not the same as saying that it is false, by the way), and with respect, that's a very superficial way to read it and misses a key subtlety. First, a wrong detail or episode means that the detail or episode was made up (or embellished), not necessarily the story as a whole. Applying it generally means that you can say there was no William Wallace because in Mel Gibson's movie his wife is raped by the local magnate under the protection of Primae Noctis, but there is no evidence that there ever was such a law or a custom.
Second, what do you mean "all Romans"? The majority population of the Roman empire were not actually Romans or Roman citizens (until 212) or people who worked in Roman government, and I'm not sure any Romans actually read the Gospel of Mark until much later (although there may have been Greek-speaking Christians in Rome). Keep in mind also that the machinery of Roman government across the entire empire (not including soldiers) was astonishingly small by our standards, maybe a few a thousand people at most actually administered the empire until the third century, and most were connected to the senatorial and equestrian classes or to the emperor's own household. And Roman government had no written constitution and had all sorts of irregularities, and different areas of the empire had different sorts of arrangements with the imperial government with different rights. There was really no single and uniform standard; it was coming into being in the early empire. First century Judea was itself a very special case (and the synoptic gospels perfectly capture the ambiguity of Roman authority, since it wasn't technically a Roman province and the Herodian dynasty ruled most of the area). I'm not arguing that this is a believable story or that we should accept it as historical, but I am saying that I don't think this detail would have made a blip on the radar of non-elite people. As an invented custom, it would have been "patently false" only to a small segment of the population, and that the segment was the one least likely to read the Gospel of Mark. As an invented event, it would have been patently false only to people who had witnessed it. To us, there is simply no evidence that this ever happened before or after in Judea (thus undermining the custom part) and or anywhere else in the empire at all. It's implausible by our standards.
So even though we are in agreement that capturing the mechanics of judicial procedure in Judea was not a major concern of the writer of Mark, I don't see how this really helps Carrier's case. You don't seem troubled by the fact that there are accurate details in this account, too. There really was a Pilate and he really was prefect. If this was originally meant to be just an allegory, we have to explain why writer felt the need to include this kind of detail. It wouldn't have made it more plausible, because, as I've emphasized, contextual and historical accuracy were not standards of plausibility. The degree of specificity means that whoever wrote this knew about Pilate and thus would have been in a position to know whether there really was a Jesus or not. If they didn't know first hand, they must have done some research and got it either from other people or did some research. Why wouldn't he apply that same kind of empirical impulse to Jesus?
You'll notice that in my reply to you here about Mark and my reply above about Matthew that I'm thinking in terms of actual human beings and trying to see how this could really work in antiquity. These are not insignificant questions. Notice that your #1-#4 use the passive voice all but once ("was thought to be...was originally claimed...was then composed"). Somebody did that thinking, claiming, and composing. Someone at some point had to write this gospel down in Mark's Greek. The text didn't just happen. If this is an invented-story, Carrier has to work out the mechanics of how this actually happened. New Testament scholars have been doing for a 150 years, and I don't see why that meticulous and deeply learned tradition should be jettisoned in favor of Carrier's conclusions resulting from applying Bayesian probability to some rather vague hypotheses. The hypotheses as you set them out here should be a lot more specific, because I hope you can see the kinds of questions that they leave unanswered.
But ignoring that, just show me one example of a similar process at work in any other ancient text involving any other god, and point out this specificity of detail—getting the right names and titles independently attested people, as well as cultural details, with a minimum of anachronisms—sustained over dozens of pages, and you might have something.
The closest parallel you will find is saint's lives, which have all kinds of errors about imperial government and judicial process but also are about real people, many of whose existences are attested in independent sources. Were early Christian martyr stories the allegorizations of celestial deities? Was Polycarp, for instance, a celestial deity? Hell, look at his name: it means "abundant harvest." Are we sure he wasn't originally a fertility god in Asia minor before he was allegorized and then misunderstood to be a real person in the Martyrdom of Polycarp (composed no later than 160; and by the way, we have a letter of Polycarp, who was born in 69, from the early second century which shows a belief that Jesus was a real person)? After all, when Polycarp was burnt, his body is said to have smelled like bread baking in the oven (think Ceres, the grain goddess). The details about Roman judicial practice are also wrong, just as in the Gospel of Mark. And people are healed at his martyrdom. I anticipate the objection that Polycarp was not claimed to be a god—but then neither do the synoptics claim that about Jesus.
Analytics wrote:Dick expresses an incredible amount of respect for the Gospel of Mark as literature. He claims that its literary qualities proves that it is obviously intended to be an extended allegory to teach the gospel and is not intended to describe actual events. He explains in great detail that this alleged event has rich symbolic meaning, and was obviously invented to teach religious truths—not describe how the Roman penal system worked around the festivals.
I'm sure that's a simplification, so I won't push it, but if it is not a simplification, that underlined part is pure nonsense. There is also a completely misleading dichotomy here: the fact that these are literary productions does not mean they were not also believed to have been real. That is a totally modern assumption. I just want to go sleep, so forgive me for giving it to in simplified formulation: rhetoric/literature was not the antithesis of reality but rather the essential means by which reality was constructed and expressed. In order for anything to be plausible and believable—whether a story about a god or a general, an argument in a law court (!) or even the claims of an emperor inscribed in stone—it had to be expressed rhetorically (which is to say, in literature). There was not really a concept in ancient biography or ancient historiography (to say nothing of poetry) of the "unvarnished truth" because for them, all truth had a varnish. You knew that something was true because of the quality of the varnish (to end my metaphor). Decades of scholarship have established this beyond all doubt, and it is such an accepted fact of working in ancient history and antiquity more broadly that whoever misses this basic but all-pervasive fact of ancient life will necessarily and deeply misunderstand the texts they're working with. The results of that work will be seriously flawed.