Benjamin McGuire wrote: ↑Mon May 31, 2021 4:19 pm
There is a lot to say about this paragraph. So first the obvious (especially since it was discussed by others in this thread). It is difficult to have certain discussions about the Book of Mormon because of the conflation that occurs between the Book of Mormon and the Gold Plates. The text of the Book of Mormon does not come "a good century before [Paul] wrote any of his letters". The Book of Mormon is a 19th century production, it is written in a language Paul could not understand. When we discuss the textual history and reliability of the New Testament, no one starts with a Coptic text and claims that it represents exactly what Paul wrote. It becomes a question of when the text was translated, and what the state of the manuscript was that was used for that translation, and so on. Exactly what we mean when we speak of the Book of Mormon as a translation is an important question. A few year back, I started a bit of a dialogue about it:
https://www.academia.edu/48984482/The_B ... in_Context. There is, as I noted in that presentation, a tendency for LDS to adopt this conflation - and to do so by attempting to apply the tools of biblical scholarship directly to the Book of Mormon as if it were the ancient text just like the Hebrew Bible (speaking of its ancient manuscripts). This effort will always yield problematic results. This is no less true of Symmachus in the quote above, who wants to assert the existence of anachronisms in a translation - but that assertion comes with a host of assumptions about the text of the Book of Mormon and the nature of its translation. I don't have any issue with people bringing assumptions to the table - as long as those assumptions are clearly spelled out. To extend the rationale of Symmachus, The Book of Mormon quotes extensively from the King James Version, right? Alma quotes from the KJV a millennia and a half before it is written (translated).
Yes, some would surely see that last as a problem.
To clarify, these aren't my assumptions in asserting the existence of anachronisms to determine whether the Book of Mormon is an actual translation of ancient document. I'm channeling the conclusion that leads from the historicists' assumptions. If you are going to do what Thompson attempts on the grounds he attempts it, then anachronisms are by the terms of the argument a valid mechanism for weighing the claim, and in doing so you will run in to more significant problems, of which I highlighted one. However, I don't personally see these as anachronisms or even consider that a valid category when we are talking about the Book of Mormon as a nineteenth century text.
If you believe there is an ancient origin behind the nineteenth century text, you will run into that problem again, however, because anything that is claimed to have occurred, by definition, will reflect the context in which it is supposed to have occurred. To say that something has an origin at some point in the past is to say that the number of historical anachronisms contained in that something is close to 0.
I see things like the "loose translation theory," a form of which you seem to present here, as an attempt to deal with that. Thank you for the link, by the way, to your article. I think it is good that the believers have push-back from within. My impression of the historicists is that they are really trying to do apologetics for a view of the Book of Mormon they learned in Primary, so I think it is good that there is someone trying to advance a more "grown up" view. That danger I see with it (as everyone else has) is that it can run into inconsistency: something is historical until an anachronism comes up, then there is Roland Barthes and the slipperiness of language and what is a translation anyway? If you take this approach, how do you balance this tension?
I hope you'll find this place interesting enough to discuss this from time to time. And please invite Midgley; he will fit in just fine in the Telestial room.
I think that this is much more likely than you do. My answer is based on my experience working with the Joseph Smith papers. It's been a while since I have spent a lot of time reading there, but, one thing became very clear to me early on. Several of the sections in the D&C were constructed from earlier sources and ideas. A good example is Section 27. The whole thing about the sticks from Ezekiel first shows up in the 1835 version (it isn't a part of the original revelation) following an article that William Phelps wrote in which he merges several ideas from Jahn's Biblical Archaeology with details about the Gold Plates and the Book of Mormon. These are tacked on to the August, 1830 revelation and there we have Section 27. If there is any doubt about the kinds of editorial changes, scribal insertions, issues related to copying, and the like, that are discussed in textual criticism of the Bible, we don't have to go very far in early Mormonism to find them playing out in real time (and very well documented). When we discuss the different versions of the ten commandments, what about the different versions of the Articles of Faith. Mormonism will, eventually, confront its own text critical discoveries (and they won't be as speculative as the ones made about Biblical texts). I think that this shift, while taking some time, is inevitable (to the extent that believers are interested in these discussions). And so I believe that accepting the reality of these kinds of literary theories will become much more natural and an accepted part of belief at some point.
I don't disagree per se but what I keep highlighting, whether the inspired fiction theory or something else, is the logistics over the strategy: ok, how is this going to happen? It's not enough just to describe a position on the text by appealing to whatever literary theories are most helpful for maintaining some kind of allegiance to the Book of Mormon as a sacred object and then declare it a valid alternative, especially when there is already a dominant tradition of reading the text and when that tradition is rooted in claims made by the text itself and when those claims are the primary locus of faith assertions. I understand that progressive Mormons already have alternatives that satisfy them; but they are not very satisfying to the majority of believers. So I would counter that this is not inevitable at all. The cultural status and interpretive approaches to the Book of Mormon can go in a lot of different directions, though not an infinite number of them, and they have to be worked out by individuals making choices and advancing claims—and then of course there is the views of the institutional Church to reckon with. Granting those views the ultimate authority has been the main criterion separating believers and non-believers in the Utah tradition of Mormonism.
It is not as if rabbinical Judaism was the inevitable result of the destruction of the 2nd temple. That tradition had to be built on the ruins of the temple by people as a new kind of worship, worldview, and way of life. Sure, there materials to work with on a nascent tradition, but it's not like it was the natural result or obvious in any way that this would survive or win out over other kinds of Judahite religious practice.
Gadianton wrote: ↑Mon May 31, 2021 5:38 pm
That's pretty fascinating. I wasn't aware that he had any impact on real-world scholarship. He had some published essays with lots of footnotes, but back in the day, powered by my own feeble research powers, I never discovered any real impact that he had. One day if you are bored, I wouldn't mind seeing your post outlining the full list of impacts he had that you are aware of. I'm sure the Rev has some ideas also.
I should like to clarify that Nibley was not the originator of the idea;
Walter Bauer, for example, had made an argument in that vein 30 years before (I should go back and see if Nibley cited Bauer, though I doubt it), not to support a claim like the Mormon one that the true Church had vanished but that that there was not single church in the first place. There were instead various branches of an inchoate Christianity that were in competition and were even hostile to each other, and that these were only later recast in terms of an Orthodox church with heretical deviations. That is the more or less the standard view now, except in more sectarian kinds of scholarship, but nobody really read Bauer until he was translated into English in the 1970s. Nibley was ahead of his time in the sense that he questioned the link between the orthodox Christianity of the Fathers on the one one hand and the apostolic and sub-apostolic churches on the other. He could have pushed that a lot more, undermining the idea of there being an "orthodoxy" in earliest Christianity (because to Nibley everything was heretical anyway), but he didn't really develop it. I don't think he published much in non-Mormon venues after that, actually. There was one more article about Christ's secret teachings to the early church leaders before his ascension (and of course Mormons would see the message behind that), but I think that was it. Maybe there were a few stray articles but certainly not like this. A few more articles and a secular, more scholarly version of
The World and the Prophets would have made the Mormon position something to reckon with, as I think the HIllerbrand/Grant exchange in
Church History shows.
Gadianton wrote:Nibley, to me, seemed to have a long-running model that was the inverse of evolutionary models. Start from purity, ideas degenerate, but then ideas are restored again. He had the stones to go so far as to directly state that the atonement reversed the 2nd law of thermodynamics. Okay, I'm not sure I'm right about his grand project, but if so, was there something like the sound-shift law operating to figure that out? I'm not a huge Kuhn fan but he has some great starting points, and I think your sound-shift rule is the paradigmatic example of what grounds a proper research paradigm.
What's the sound shift rule that you're referring to?
In general, I think you are correct about Nibley's entropic view of history, partly derived from Mormonism but I think also influenced by his early admiration for German writers like Oswald Spengler, whom he cited often. It had the added benefit of providing him with numerous parallels from the ancient world, because that was the starting point that every ancient culture used for understanding the past. So, when Nibley found Lactantius or whichever Church Father you pick saying something like, "the earliest Christians had a purer understanding of the gospel than many Christians today do," Nibley reads that as confirming his hypothesis: "See? They are admitting that it was in apostasy! It was already known in the fourth century that the church was gone!" Meanwhile, I just see an ancient person expressing a view of the past as old as the Gilgamesh epic.